Category: Book Thoughts

  • Tourism

    Tourism

    Curiosity is a core component of human nature, and coupled with our desire for independence, has been a key element in driving exploration round the globe over hundreds of thousands of years. One of the ways we engage with our curiosity in today’s day and age is through tourism, which has grown rapidly as an industry in the last few decades. Many new forms of tourism have expanded enough to be their own dictionary entries (eco-tourism, medical tourism to name a few). At the same time, older mainstays of tourism such as cruising and backpacking have expanded their offerings significantly. Many once foreboding destinations have developed friction-free avenues for tourists to partake in new experiences. 

    This growth is accompanied by the simultaneous hand-wringing; how can we visit new places in an ethical way? Is it possible for attractive destinations to harness tourism in ways that benefit locals while also preserving their unique nature? Some of the reasons people travel to new locations are to experience different cultures, climates, witness natural and architectural sights, and sample the cuisine. However, I’m not alone in feeling that famous tourist locations start to bleed into each other, which saps from their intended distinctiveness. After all, there is no shortage of stories about long queues near Everest’s summit, or 🌈insert European city du jour 🌈facing popular unrest for an ever increasing influx of tourists annually (Venice, Barcelona). 

    The following opinions should definitely be taken with a grain of salt, since this piece does not employ more rigorous methods to illustrate my hunches. Additionally, humans are inherently biased towards pattern recognition, so it’s easy for me to find examples of tourist destinations blending into each other, whereas examples of societies leaning into qualities that make them unique are harder to spot. In both cases it’s also difficult to attribute societal direction solely to tourism itself. 

    With that said, there are certain characteristics that over-touristed places tend to share, a short list being overpriced basic services, decreased quality of food, overcrowded attractions, and infrastructure prioritized for visitors over locals. In these ways, unique places converge on a ‘touristy’ equilibrium. 

    Increased access by global supply chains into a place also tends to drive people to ditch local systems in favor of outsourced (and cheaper) solutions. For example, local farming in my parents’ hometown in Kerala has been unable to compete on cost with imported produce. Many of our neighbors in my parents’ generation talk about how the food quality has precipitously declined since their childhood, even in God’s own country. To be fair, many forces conspire to create these conditions, but I would argue that tourist destinations by definition are subjected to  increased access. 

    What makes a place unique? When people lose agency over their land, the stories, celebration, foods built around those spaces cease to be embedded in substance, being instead embedded in memory. This is a familiar experience for folks who grow up in immigrant communities, where attempts to celebrate homeland culture far from home can ring hollow. That same hollowness takes over daily life in places where tourism changes the relationship of people to their land, because the purpose of the land is partly subsumed to provide novelty for visitors. If a Thiruvonam Sadhya in Kerala cannot source its ingredients from a local harvest, then what exactly is the Onam celebrating? 

    The experience of touristy places all blends together, because there’s a playbook that the tourism industry has employed to maximize the returns of an attractive destination. That in Nusa Dua, Cocoa Beach, and Niagara Falls can be found a Hilton Garden Inn is a clear indicator that the unique qualities in those places have yielded to the market conditions of meeting the supply/demand profit curve of lodging. In other words, Hilton is equipped with the expertise to maximise the value of land in a popular tourist destination. Whether it be local/national governments wanting increased tax revenue, well-capitalized businesses outbidding competition, or expats pursuing new income streams, the end result is the squeezing out of warungs, rice fields, and beaches in favor of anything offering a higher possible return on investment. Eventually, folks tired of the infrastructure woes of Bali go to Padang, declare it a paradise, and the playbook can be rinsed and repeated.

    How can our natural curiosity be reconciled with the negative effects of tourism? I wasn’t expecting a book about the Salvadoran civil war to help with this dilemma, but reading What You Have Heard is True provides insight based on how one person (Carolyn Forché) engages with an unfamiliar place. The memoir explores Forché’s time in El Salvador as the country broke down ahead of a dozen-year civil war. Forché’s experience is highly dissimilar to that of most tourists, so there are limits in the conclusions we can draw from her reflections. However, her experience illustrates how our personal approach to tourism can focus on empowering the locals, while simultaneously exploring mutual political, economic, and cultural relationships.

    For someone visiting El Salvador, there are plenty of options to stay in places Forché describes as quite beautiful. For example, the former residence of dictator Hernández Martínez, described as “spacious with shuttered windows and a mahogany wainscoting..” Later on during her stays, Forché makes friends with a socialite (secretly a resistance figure) and spends time at her home, where breakfasts were prepared lovingly: ”tortillas wrapped in a cloth, already-poured juice, a pot of coffee [with the maids] bringing white cheese, black beans, a papaya cut in half and filled with slices of lime.” This was a home with “a sliding glass door leading into a garden, where birds of paradise spiked against the walls and coral bougainvillea climbed them.” 

    For a tourist (especially an American) visiting El Salvador at the time, it would certainly be possible to find hotels or homestays with similar levels of luxury and comfort. However, given that most of the land and wealth in the country was highly concentrated in the hands of a few, these places would be highly non-representative of the daily experience of the workers and peasants (campesinos). Forché spends time in the campos and caserios in the countryside as well, noting the open trench bathrooms and corrugated metal walls common in the majority of homes throughout the country, contrasting with the hot water and window glass of her wealthier friends.

    Someone staying at the properties of military officers or businessmen would very likely be lining the pockets of the wealthy and powerful, who, as the book makes clear, work very hard to perpetuate the dispossession of the campesinos. If Forché had spent her time and money in the opulent homes of San Salvador, she may have come home with some appreciation for the food, the nature, and may even have observed the gulf between the rich and poor from afar. However, it would have left her blind to the true extractive relationship between these classes. Her choice to spend time in the countryside also allows Salvadorans such as Gomez Vides to make inroads with the military junta, and for local poets to find a platform for their work. 

    Therefore, when traveling, a question to ask is: who benefits from the money that we spend? How can we as tourists empower people and spaces which are being consumed by tourism itself? To me, engaging tourism in this way enriches both the tourist and the touristed while also providing our natural curiosity an avenue to be expressed. 

    Understanding the interaction between our home’s political context and our destination’s is another way to engage in tourism in a more meaningful way. Every country operates in relation to the nations around them, and Forché certainly bears witness to this, contrasting the lifestyle of Salvadoran campesinos with the indigenous population in Guatemala. Much more of the book probes the relationship between El Salvador and the US, notably the relationship between US anti-communism policies and Salvadoran military aid. The contrast in lifestyles between the political elite and the campesino peasants is largely enabled by US monetary aid and by extension, the acquiescence of US taxpayers. The security state in turn entrenches their wealth in the name of order and the risks of providing the campesinos with ‘too much democracy’. 

    Looking back with hindsight makes it easy to identify the regional consequences of these interactions, which led to the Salvadoran civil war and modern day American migration patterns. At that time however, even with the US having just pulled out of Vietnam, the extent of foreign policy entanglements may have been less obvious to the average US citizen. Countries as powerful as the US and China have a gravitational effect on the entire world. It’s important for us to understand the effects that we have on our neighbors, and use that knowledge to make more conscious political decisions where such agency exists. When viewed through this lens, tourism actually becomes imperative for someone looking to be engaged in society. Forché herself takes her experiences in El Salvador to give voice to the poets she meets, and broadcast the political situation in El Salvador to a wider US audience


    Tourism irrevocably changes the character of the tourist and the touristed, The idea that tourism should cease due to its deleterious effects is nonsensical, since curiosity is an inherent part of our nature. Therefore, leveraging this curiosity to understand the state of the world is one of the best ways we can be tourists. In fact, I’d go so far as to say that it’s vital that we engage in tourism, since experiencing a place firsthand is the only way to really know it (Descartes noises intensify). It’s far too easy to travel such that new places blend together without making a notable impression, but that reflects more on our level of engagement rather than the locales themselves. New places can augment our value systems, allowing us to synthesize our interactions into new moral frameworks and possibilities for the future.

  • Book Thoughts: Amusing Ourselves to Death

    Book Thoughts: Amusing Ourselves to Death

    Amusing Ourselves to Death

    The rise of the internet, (subsequently followed by social media, app-based messaging, and thereafter by video short-form content) has left many of us grappling with the long term effects of visual media on our development, mental wellbeing, and our relationships with each other. This reckoning spans all levels of society, from the national level (countries enacting social media bans), to the corporate level (airlines feeling the pressure to improve internet connectivity with Starlink), down to the individual level (using ‘digital wellbeing’ apps to manage screen time). 

    Some may say that this is just a tired redux of many societal conversations we’ve had grappling with using different technologies over time. I personally remember conversations about violence in video games in the late 90’s with the rise of first-person shooters (though some people even considered Pokemon too dangerous to buy for their kids).

    One of the main critics in this bygone era was Neil Postman, who 40 years ago wrote Amusing Ourselves to Death about the effect of television on American society. After reading it, I do agree with folks who say the piece is relevant to this day. Postman’s main thesis is that television has transformed American discourse from debate to entertainment, and he explores the ramifications of that transformation on American society. If Postman were to write his book in 2025, his thesis would certainly broaden from television to visual media as a whole, and of course this is a worldwide trend rather than being localized to the US. 

    Modern versions of this critique include Chris Hayes’ The Siren’s Call or Jonathan Haidt’sThe Anxious Generation, and I do definitely worry about the effects of social media on all of us. 

    Do I agree with Postman that TV has transformed discourse into entertainment? By and large I do, but I’m not sure print-era discourse was more productive than current day discourse. 

    Do we need to discuss whether print media discourse in the 16th – 19th centuries in Europe resulted in reasoned or rational behavior from its (large and varied) populace? It was during this time that modern-day racism rooted and flowered into what we see today. Did the writings of Bartolomeo de las Casas stop the colonization of South America? Did it stop hereditary wealth transfer in Peru once the original conquistadors died? Did the print-heavy culture of the US prevent the Trail of Tears or the oil rush in the Dakotas? 

    Print journalism is slow, which according to Postman is a feature. However, this slowness cannot serve as an effective check on swiftly executed actions/domino effects such as coups, assassinations, spontaneous violence. Conversely, some events happen over such a long time frame that the experience of that change is only seen across generations (such as the extinction of insects). While books capture this progression well, humans aren’t good at internalizing the before and after states because the change happens so slowly. In either case, are books useful in providing a backbone for a responsive and responsible society? 

    Let’s take Postman’s example of the Lincoln-Douglas 1858 debates over slavery, which has since been re-quoted a ton, as being dichotomous between the print-dominated universe and the present day. 

    “Their arrangement provided that Douglas would speak first, for one hour; Lincoln would take an hour and a half to reply; Douglas, a half hour to rebut Lincoln’s reply. This debate was considerably shorter than those to which the two men were accustomed. In fact, they had tangled several times before, and all of their encounters had been much lengthier and more

    exhausting.” (44)

    Now, I think it’s eminently laughable to envision Joe Biden and Donald Trump having a similarly lengthy or substantive debate during the 2024 debates about anything at all. However, even if Biden/Trump were capable of having an hour-long debate about preventing genocide in Gaza, I doubt their positions would be significantly different than what their administrations are actually doing (which of course amounts to very little). Additionally, I don’t actually think having a debate would force candidates to have cohesive and detailed frameworks for their positions, NOR do I think a result of that debate would be voters demanding different positions than they already are. 

    Postman (and Hayes) may argue that our apathy as voters stems from years of conditioning via doom-scrolling, a 24 hour news cycle, and our treatment of the debate as mere entertainment. However, I think our apathy would have come from being physically unaffected by the war, which makes it such that the war doesn’t actually have a tangible impact on our day-to-day lives. 

    An issue that may have some impact on our lives today is the emergence of AI embedding itself into our national infrastructure. Watching a 25 minute video of Hank Green talking about the complexities of AI energy usage, and then 30 minutes of ___ responding to the ideas discussed seems quite similar to a Lincoln/Douglas debate format, though we can ingest this material through video rather than in-person or via newspapers. 

    While the nature of the technology is important, the nature of our discourse itself has not fundamentally changed between now and the 19th (or 14th) century. Consequently, I don’t believe that the actions coming out of these conversations are meaningfully different despite using a different technology to engage in the discourse. We respond most strongly to issues which have salience in our lives. Ideas and news without local/personal context serve as entertainment far more than as actionable events. The Lincoln-Douglas debates proved popular because slavery itself was a salient issue. The Dred-Scott decision, Illinois’ proximity to slave states, and the westward pull due to popular sovereignty territories all impacted voters. It makes sense that they would find these debates to be highly important. In fact, even the debates themselves had a state fair-like element around them: “All of the Lincoln-Douglas debates were conducted amid a carnival-like atmosphere. Bands played (although not during the debates), hawkers sold their wares, children romped, liquor was available.” 

    On the other hand, although Gaza hosted the biggest human calamity of 2024, and although climate change (and nuclear war) poses existential risks to humanity’s current way of life, I don’t think any of these issues actively impact people in a way that drives them to take concrete actions. I’m not claiming that people don’t take actions based on the news they read/watch, there are certainly folks that partake in the BDS movements or work to lower their climate impact. However, I think that the number of people taking actions doesn’t change whether we live in an information ecosystem dominated by print or one dominated by video. This shows that Postman’s point that news has become entertainment is true, because the news we consume is mostly not salient to our lives. 

    What, then, is salience? We as consumers of news cannot meaningfully engage the material to make a noticeable impact, nor can we easily connect ourselves to it in a meaningful way. I would say that increasing salience is equivalent to our context around the news we consume, and limiting our intake of news for which we have little context. 

    Take the following passage as an example of the issue we face:  

    “What steps do you plan to take to reduce the conflict in the Middle East? Or the rates of inflation, crime, and unemployment? What are you plans for preserving the environment or reducing the risk of nuclear war? What do you plan to do about NATO, OPEC, the CIA, affirmative action, and the monstrous treatment of the Baha’is in Iran?” (68) 

    I read this whole passage without remembering this book was written 40 years ago. It’s crazy how these issues are still at stake today! Somebody ‘doomscrolling’ the newspaper at that time may have spent a lot of emotional well-being managing their anxieties, but that hand-wringing didn’t help them, nor did it create a lasting solution to these issues which regularly make the front page of the news in 2025. 

    In the present day, what is the value of having the news brought to my screen from all around the world? How do I gain by knowing about flooding in Dak Lak, Colombo, and Padang? I have friends who live in Vietnam and can certainly donate to local charities to help with recovery efforts. That is the extent of the salience I feel, but what about the many resource-starved communities where I don’t have personal connections? Perhaps our mental order and well-being is better served by not keeping abreast of issues in places where we don’t have prior context?

    This resonates with me because I’m currently living in Hong Kong, far away from places where I have context. I am a person who generally looks to understand context and history with respect to current events. However, that’s a process that takes time and energy. Even as someone who has followed news about Hong Kong for a decade, living here for a few months has taught me so much more about the city and it’s history than I could have learned by reading articles or watching videos on the internet. 

    On the other hand, New York City and it’s suburbs are places where I have a ton of prior context. When I hear news from Rockland, I have a deeper innate understanding of it’s background and how it affects the people I know. My friends and family in the area also have the ability to provide additional context to inform my understanding of the local news. Additionally, I have much more of an ability to effect change or leverage a network to take actions. That’s not the case here in HK. Here, I suppose I can only be a change agent in somebody else’s network. 

    Another note about Postman’s commentary regarding the telegraph: “A man in Maine and a man in Texas could converse, but not about anything either of them knew or cared very much about.” 

    I think Postman’s take here (being 40 years old) is reductive, and we live in such an obviously interconnected world that I think it’s useful to have global news. 

    While I don’t interpret Postman’s point about information irrelevance to be directed towards people’s movement/migration, I think the logic regarding the former should be considered with the latter as well. When we move to a new place and lack context for its being and history, it neuters our ability to engage with our new setting, interpret current events, and use our agency in ways we consider worthwhile. Migration is wired deep into our nature, so I’d not suggest that preservation of our local context is worth staying somewhere that doesn’t serve our needs.

    Personally, while it’s true that my action-potential is higher in my hometown than in Hong Kong, true that my network is wider and deeper, and true that my historical context is richer, I can’t escape the feeling that I myself feel slightly neutered when in NYC. The prospect of my primary interactions being with people who have a preexisting understanding of my nature is a turn-off to moving back. Thus, balancing my self-actualization and the desire for salience in news consumption pull in opposite directions. Increasing my contextual understanding of Hong Kong may take time to increase the salience of Hong Kong’s discourse, but that tradeoff is worthwhile provided my consumption of news is not reduced to mere entertainment. 

    There are many conclusions we can draw when considering our interactions with the internet through the Postman lens. In my opinion, the takeaway that print-based discourse is more conducive to productive discussion doesn’t hold enough water to actually be useful. A print based information economy prevailed during eras where eugenics, colonialism, and genocide took place, lacking sufficient action-potential to stymie those trends. A more useful conclusion would be that news being turned into entertainment is inevitable if we lack a historical and local context for that news. This conclusion allows us to consider ways to increase the salience of news, both by limiting our ingestion out-of-context news, and by intentionally building up a personal context for places and news that interests us. This, along with having a local network, is what gives individuals agency to effect change in response to current events. 

  • Book Thoughts: April 2025

    Book Thoughts: April 2025

    Everyone Who is Gone is Here

    Reading Everyone Who is Gone is Here and have a few thoughts to expand on: 

    The folks who first started sanctuary churches and created the Underground Railroad for migrants must have had absolutely no clue how they fit into a trend that would become what it is today. The government itself expected between 2000 and 5000 asylum applicants per year, not the ~millions annually we see today. Those helping migrants also never thought it would consume their lives and communities. 

    Similarly, the Border Patrol would have no clue how things would escalate up to this point, and even though these two groups of people were opponents, could there have been value in re-framing these problems by imagining the scale it might eventually take? 

    Even in the 1980’s “the activists in Tucson were on the front lines of a low-grade humanitarian crisis.” I think about this crisis and compare it to Darfur in the early 2000’s. I feel like one got far more international attention than the other, and a lot more high profile activism as well. Why/How was it that this crisis at the border was not escalated in the same way? Over decares, the death toll from the Central American conflicts may have been higher than Darfur. If this border crisis had become inflamed at that time, how would history have played out differently? Would today’s media demonizations have taken place back then? This is right before conservative talk-shows became popular, so there was clearly kindling ready to light aflame. I had a great childhood and I feel really bad for kids growing up in the media and political culture of today. Was there value in having hidden the human cost of suffering in the 60’s, 70’s, and 80’s in order to keep American political life stable, to keep it from having to wrestle with these issues of migration, race, and sovereignty? How many current lives around the world are at risk because of the political climate in the US? How many crises will we create in the future? If Obama having a crueler border policy, or crueler LGBTQ policy, would have mitigated today’s political climate, would those have been better decisions to have made?

    On another note, I’m reading about the opposing viewpoints between activists in Tucson and activists in Chicago. The folks in Tucson thought that “politicizing their work undercut its moral appeal. To the activists in Chicago, that thinking was precisely backward…they wanted [the refugees’] narrative to be aligned with the movement.” Both of these camps are correct in some way. The Tucson folk don’t fully understand what they are wreaking on American society due to their actions. Of course it is just and good, but I don’t think it’s possible to fully grasp the scope of what they have embarked on. On the other hand, The Chicago activists are trying to exercise a level of control over world events in which they are small pieces. If they were to turn away migrants who didn’t agree with them political, or try and sharpen the Sanctuary City Movement’s intellectual/political edge, the realities of the world (aka migrants fleeing) would simply arrive in some other form. Both of these groups seem to have conveniently stripped the migrants of their own agency, both over their own lives and in how they shape the world around them. Migrants are people too, with their own wants, needs, worldviews, and goals. These are human needs, and human needs won’t conform to a political group’s needs/prerogatives. 

    Similar to that thought above, reading the book showed the value of migrants themselves becoming embedded in the train that helped civilians escape. Because Juan himself lived in Mexico for a long time, he was able to learn about the operation in Tucson, and because he himself wasn’t crossing, he was able to pick up information about logistics, contact information, and aid the Tucson folk by getting them the information they needed. The place where he stayed in Mexico City was a safe house where Salvadorans themselves taught each other how to survive in Mexico City, how to escape notice from authorities, and how to keep the institution (the safe house) alive for future travelers. This is an example of people using their agency in a manner to aid the movement of humans from dangerous places to the US. So, maybe another way to have built a lasting political force and cultural Sanctuary City identity is by empowering the people who were fleeing violence, finding employment for them around the context of this underground train, keeping them in the orbit of the sanctuary operations, and having them set the direction of the operations. That way, these churches, local volunteers, and charity groups would be able to lend their political voice to a distinct group of people who could more effectively advocate for themselves. 

    Another thought: The demographics of the US were very different in the 2nd half of the 20th century. However, because of its racism, fear of leftist governments, ignorance, and selfishness, the US, a mostly white citizenry, created the conditions in Central America for hundreds of thousands of people to flee into the US. Americans couldn’t see the people of Central America as equals to them, and thus created the conditions for their own country to absorb the cultures of Central America. America today is far more Hispanic than it was in the 20th century and these are the reasons why. 

    Finally: The book spends some time talking about the Biden Administration having some difficulties working with Central American governments to shore up their asylum and migrant policies. A large part of the political system in these countries can be traced to US policy over the past 60 years. Namely, the anti-Communist policy goals of the US have resulted in entrenching conservative and corrupt institutions in power. Even Democratic presidencies such as Carter, Clinton, and Obama have kept policy continuity in these countries. (In some ways, policy continuity can be seen as a good thing if we take the eventual cessation of wartime hostilities as a consequence of the continuity)

    There is a natural camaraderie between these powers and conservative governments in the US. The natural levers of the US government also find their equilibrium in enforcing the same actions that tend to support the governments in Central America. Because of the decades of policy alignment with conservative governments, US policy is much more difficult to implement when a liberal government comes to power, because the desired actions go against the grain of US policy implementers and the political ruling classes of the Central American countries. This means that for Biden to have gotten better results at the border, he would have needed to have taken more decisive action to steer Central American politics in a different direction. 

    Seeing the way Trump uses American power in a more raw form to achieve policy objectives makes me wish that Biden was not afraid to use American power more forcefully in Central America. What if we were willing to send troops in to enforce anti-gang operations? What if we applied economic pressure/sanctions to ensure aid money was being used for public health ? It could’ve been Afghanistan minus the Taliban, because everyone is on the same side here ! Also there’s way less area for a disaffected military brass to hide and form a resistance. 

    I’m also very disappointed that the progressive elements of the Democratic party saps the political ability of Democratic presidents to achieve more just outcomes. Because immigration was a toxic issue for Democrats to address, Biden was unable (or unwilling) to take actions that would alienate his base, even though the clear and present danger of a Republican presidency. Taking drastic actions (military action, sanctions, aggressive oversight) to begin addressing the corruption and violence issues in Central America while also keeping the border locked down could have been politically popular while also toning down the toxicity of border policy as a divisive issue.